I • 


roA-rg.rn::»i-V-. 


Achievements  of  The 
Conference 

74s  Steps  Toward  a Warless  World 


I 


President  Harding 


ONCE  believed  in  armed  preparedness.  I advo- 
cated it.  But  I have  come  to  believe  there  is  a 


better  preparedness  in  a public  mind  and  a world 
opinion  made  ready  to  grant  justice  precisely  as  it 
exacts  it.  And  justice  is  better  served  m conferences 
of  peace  than  in  conflicts  at  arms.” 

(Feb.  6,  1 922.) 


‘Either  these  treaties  must  have  your 
cordial  sanction  or  every  proclaimed  desire 
to  promote  peace  and  prevent  war  becomes 
a hollow  mockery.” 

(Feb.  1 1,  ] 922.) 


Issued  by 

The  Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Good-will 

OF 

The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 

1 05  East  22nd  Street,  New  York  City 


Do  You  Endorse  the  President’s  Peace  Program? 

Will  You  Help  Secure  Ratification 
of  the  Treaties? 


These  are  questions  not  only  for  Senators,  but  for  all  American 
citizens,  A moral  crisis  bas  arrived  for  tbe  United  States. 
Shall  we  continue  to  travel  our  own  independent  road  of  isola- 
tion? Or  shall  we  take  our  place  among  the  nations  desiring  to  co- 
operate for  the  creation  of  mutual  confidence  and  the  maintenance  of 
universal  peace?  Shall  we  put  faith  in  international  law,  in  treaties 
and  in  international  commitments?  And  shall  we  seek  to  substitute 
law  for  war  and  international  cooperation  for  selfish  competition?  If 
the  latter  are  our  ideals  and  desires,  then  our  immediate  duty  is 
clear : — 

1.  Let  us  enact  the  treaties  promptly  and  with  enthusiasm. 

2.  Let  us  enact  them  together,  for  they  constitute  a whole 
that  should  not  be  mutilated. 

The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches,  while  taking  no  stand 
on  questions  of  political  procedure,  is  firmly  convinced  that 
in  the  ratification  or  the  rejection  of  the  treaties  proposed 
by  the  Conference  a grave  moral  issue  is  involved  which 
the  American  people  cannot  evade. 


41= 


■*xr" 


CONSTITUENT  BODIES  OF  THE 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


Baptist  Churches,  North 
Nation2Ll  Baptist  Coavention 
Free  Baptist  Churches 
Christian  Church 
Christian  Reformed  Church 
in  North  America 
Churches  of  God  in  N.  A. 

(General  Eldership) 
Consrrej^ational  Churches 
Disciples  of  Christ 
Friends 

Evang^elicai  Synod  of  N.  A. 


Evangelical  Association 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South 
African  M.  E.  Church 
African  M.  E.  Zion  Church 
Colored  M.  E.  Church  in  Africa 
Methodist  Protestant  Church 
Moravian  Church 

Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 
Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S. 
(South) 

Primitive  Methodist  Church 


Protestant  Episcopal  Commissions  on 
Christian  Unity  and  Social  Service 
Reformed  Church  in  America 
Reformed  Church  in  the  U.  S. 
Reformed  Episcopal  Church 
Reformed  Presbyterian  Church, 
General  Synod 

Seventh  Day  Baptist  Churches 
United  Brethren  Church 
United  Evangelical  Church 
United  Presbyterian  Church 
United  Lutheran  Church 
(Consultative  Body) 


The  Third  Call  to  150,000  Churches 

in  America 


The  Church  Campaign  for  A ^^arless  ^^orld 


THFL  end  of  the  Conference  is  the  beginning  of  the  Conquest.”  The  Washing- 
ton Conference  has  done  its  work.  It  has  started  the  nations  facing  toward 
a Warless  W orld.  It  has  turned  the  attention  of  the  world  to  plans  for  the 
practice  of  permanent  peace.  It  has  brought  within  the  range  of  practical  possibility 
the  ending  of  competitive  navies,  the  scrap])ing  of  many  capital  ships  and  large  reduc- 
tion in  naval  ex])enditures. 

The  Churches  have  rendered  notable  service  during  recent  months,  and  have  good 
cause  for  thanksgiving.  F'ar  more  was  done  at  Washington  than  was  thought  pos- 
sible. Our  immediate  task  is  to  arouse  public  opinion  to  the  importance  of  prompt 
ratification  of  the  treaties  by  the  Senate.  This  is  the  next  imperative  step  in  the 
march  of  mankind  toward  a Warless  World. 

The  ])ersistent  drive  of  ])ublic  opinion  must  continue  during  the  months  and  even 
the  years  ahead.  Our  campaign  must  go  on  until  “war  is  outlawed”  by  joint  action 
of  all  the  nations  through  an  effective  j^eace  system  firmly  established. 

A Warless  World  can  never  be  imposed  by  Governments  on  ])eo]jles,  but  it  can 
be  imposed  by  ])eoples  on  Governments.  The  success  of  the  Conference  at  Washing- 
ton is  the  first  great  victory  in  the  people’s  war  against  war. 

JMembers  in  the  Protestant,  Roman  Catholic  and  Hebrew  Churches  and  Syna- 
gogues of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  figures  for  December  31,  1921,  num- 
ber 45,997,199.  In  England  and  Germany,  in  Scandinavia  and  Russia  and  in  every 
country  in  Christendom  Christians  constitute  large  and  powerful  groups,  in  many 
cases,  large  majorities.  They  can  establish  a world  peace  system  and  they  can  out- 
law war,  if  they  'will. 


Hr 


JL 


AT 


O 


The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ 
in  America  Now  Urges  the  Churches: 


In  Regard  to  Ratifying  the  Treaties 

1.  To  start  an  immediate  movement  in  each 
locality  for  prompt  and  intelligent  discussion 
of  the  treaties  now  before  the  Senate  as  prac- 
tical steps  in  establishing  the  Kingdom  of  God 
in  international  relations. 

2.  To  promote  the  study  of  the  treaties  and 
their  moral  significance  in  various  groups  in  all 
our  churches. 

3.  To  arrange  that  large  numbers  of  peti- 
tions and  personal  letters  shall  go  at  once  to 
Senators,  expressing  the  conclusions  reached  in 
regard  to  the  ratification  of  the  treaties. 

When  the  Treaties  Are  Ratified 

1.  To  give  special  thanks  to  God  in  public 
prayer  on  the  first  Sunday  following  the  ratifi- 
cation, and  to  make  mention  in  sermons  of  tlie 
new  epoch  on  which  the  world  is  starting. 

2.  To  secure  action  by  town  or  city  authori- 
ties to  designate  as  a special  day  of  celebration 
the  first  Saturday  after  the  Senate  ratifies  the 
Treaties.  On  that  day  on  all  public  buildings 
and  on  every  home  let  the  American  flag  be 
flown  as  a symbol  of  the  joy  of  the  people.  Let 
us  celebrate  the  first  major  Victory  of  the  War 
against  War.  The  people  should  be  helped  to 
understand  and  to  rejoice  in  the  first  great 
Victory  of  Peace.  For  a mighty  victory  has 
been  won  in  which  none  Avere  defeated  and  not 
one  life  was  lost. 

4.  To  emphasize  frequently  in  the  services 
connected  with  national  holidays  and  on  other 
special  occasions  the  Christian  belief  in  the 
practicability  of  a Warless  World.  Christians 
should  earnestly  strive  for  still  further  sweep- 
ing reduction  of  armament  by  all  the  nations 
as  an  imperative  step  toward  the  ultimate  goal. 

JT 

TJ 


5.  To  promote  the  careful  study  of  the 
Federal  Council’s  pamphlets  on  international 
relations,  on  a Warless  World  and  its  “Decla- 
ration of  International  Ideals  and  Policy  Look- 
ing toward  a Warless  World.” 

6.  To  organize  in  each  of  the  larger  cities 
a Committee  on  International  Justice  and 
Goodwill,  representing  all  the  churches,  for 
vigorous  and  continuous  cooperation  in  a long 
and  arduous  campaign  for  an  international 
world-order  that  is  Christian  in  principle. 

7.  To  urge  each  denomination  to  establish  its 
own  committee  or  department  on  International 
Justice  and  Goodwill.  This  campaign  to  end 
war,  to  establish  God’s  Kingdom  in  the  inter- 
national life  of  the  world,  can  only  be  Avon 
Avhen  the  Churches  as  Churches  make  it  central 
and  vital  in  their  Church  programs.  Should 
they  not  be  as  earnest  and  active  for  a War- 
less World  as  they  AA'ere  to  Avin  Auctory  in  the 
great  Avar.^ 

8.  To  keep  in  touch  Avith  the  Commission  on 
International  Justice  and  GoodAAull  of  the  Fed- 
eral Council  of  the  Churches  of  Clirist  in 
America  in  order  that  the  many  regiments  and 
armies  of  the  church  may  keep  step  and  may 
march  together  in  their  Avar  to  end  Avar. 

9.  To  bring  the  sanctions  of  religious  en- 
thusiasm and  of  moral  idealism  to  the  support 
of  world  cooperation  for  Avorld- justice,  world- 
liberty  and  Avorld-peace.  The  victories  of 
peace  should  be  celebrated  and  glorified  no  less 
than  those  of  Avar.  The  halo  of  popular  acclaim 
should  be  accorded  to  heroes  Avho  Avin  justice 
and  peace  for  mankind.  Parades,  banners, 
floats  and  every  device  for  arousing  popular 
patriotic  enthusiasm,  Avhich  have  been  so  effec- 
tively used  in  support  of  Avar,  should  now  be 
brought  into  the  service  of  the  Avar  against 
Avar. 

JT TL 

U IT 


4 


Purpose  of  the  Washington  Conference 


President  Harding 

“A  world  staggering  witli  debt  needs  its  bur- 
den lifted.  Humanity  which  has  been  shocked 
by  wanton  destruction  would  minimize  the  agen- 
cies of  that  destruction.  Contemplating  the 
measureless  cost  of  war  and  the  continuing- 
burden  of  armament,  all  thoughtful  peoples 
wish  for  real  limitation  of  armament  and  would 
like  war  outlawed. 

“Tlie  woi’ld  never  before  was  so  tragically 
brought  to  realization  of  the  utter  futility  of 
passion’s  sway  when  reason  and  conscience  and 
fellowship  point  a nobler  way.” 

(Nov.  12,  1921) 


Secretary  Hughes 

“The  world  looks  to  this  conference  to  re- 
lieve humanit}'^  of  the  crushing  burden  created 
by  competition  in  armament,  and  it  is  the  view 
of  the  American  Government  that  we  should 
meet  that  expectation  without  an}'  unnecessary 
delay. 

“Competition  will  not  be  remedied  by  resolves 
with  respect  to  the  method  of  its  continuance. 
One  program  inevitably  leads  to  another,  and, 
if  competition  continues,  its  regulation  is  im- 
practicable. There  is  only  one  adequate  way 
out,  and  that  is  to  end  it  now.” 

(Nov.  12,  1921) 


What  the  Washington  Conference  Proposes 

Oil  Friday,  February  10,  1922,  President  Harding  pi-esented  to  the  Senate  for 
ratification  the  Treaties,  which  resulted  from  the  Washing-ton  Conference, — a Con- 
ference which  was  opened  and  closed  with  prayer.  These  treaties  have  soug’ht  to  (rive 
concrete  expression  and  practical  embodiment  to  broad  international  principles  of 
fellowship  and  cooperation  which  are  essentially  Christian.  They  deserve  serious 
study  in  all  our  Churches.  Their  substance,  together  Avith  three  treaties  negotiated 
outside  of  the  Conference,  may  be  summarized  as  follows: 


1.  To  scrap  many  existing  Capital  Ships  and  stop  building  neiv  ones — a fiA^e- 
PoAver  fifteen-A^ear  treatA^ 


To  be  retained 


Permanent — after 
1 0 years 


To  he  scrapped 

United  States 815,74!0  tons 

Great  Britain  583,375  “ 

Japan  289,100  “ 

2.  To  continue  the  navy  ratio  indefinitely 
until  two  years  after  the  treaty  has  been  de- 
nounced by  one  of  the  five  Powers  concerned. 

3.  To  limit  the  caliber  of  guns  on  naval  ves- 
sels to  sixteen  inches. 

4.  To  condemn  and  prohibit  the  use  of  sub- 


500,650  tons  525,000  tons 

580,450  “ 525,000  “ 

301,320  “ 315,000  “ 

marines  as  commerce  destroyers  and  to  accept 
the  prohibition  as  binding  between  the  signatory 
Powers. 

5.  To  condemn  and  prohibit  absolutely  all 
poison  gas  warfare,  and  to  accept  the  prohibi- 
tion as  binding  between  the  signatory  Powers. 


5 


6.  To  enact  a four-Power,  ten-year  Peace 
Treaty  regarding  all  Island  possessions  in  the 
Pacific. 

7.  To  stop  building  naval  bases  on  specified 
Islands  in  the  Western  Pacific. 

8.  To  enact  a permanent  treaty  between  nine 
Powers  for  just,  fair  and  friendly  treatment  of 
China,  specifically  dealing  with  the  questions  of 

(a)  Consular  Courts,  judicial  autonomy  and 
extraterritoriality. 

(b)  Post  Offices  of  other  nations  (to  be 
ended  by  1923),  and  Wireless  Establishments. 

(c)  Tariff  adjustment  (looking  to  ultimate 
autonomy). 

(d)  Unauthorized  foreign  troops. 


9.  To  confer  together  whenever  any  Power 
feels  that  threatening  elifficulties  are  developing 
in  regard  to  China. 

10.  To  establish  a Commission  of  the  nine 
Powers  to  deal  with  alleged  infringements  of 
the  “open  door”  agreements. 

Important  Agreements  Reached  Outside 
THE  Conference 

(a)  To  settle  the  Yap  Cable  Dispute. 

(b)  To  settle  the  question  of  American 
rights  in  Japanese  “Mandates”  in  the  Pacific. 

(c)  To  return  Shantung  completely  to 
China. 


The  Most  Important  Achievements  of  the  Conference 

The  real  achievements  of  the  Washington  Conference  go  far  beyond  the  treaties 
agreed  to  and  the  details  of  the  plans  laid  out.  These  achievements  are  the  mani- 
festations of  great  principles  revealing  themselves  to  humanity,  the  expression  of  a 
new  spirit  and  a new  ideal,  and  the  embodiment  in  outward  expression  of  far-reach- 
ing implications. 

These  principles,  spirit  and  implications  and  their  concrete  results  are  many  and 
varied.  The  more  important  may  well  receive  brief  mention. 


1.  For  the  first  time  in  history  great  and 
powerful  rival  nations  have  actually  consented 
to  reduce  vast  and  expensive  armaments  already 
existing  or  in  process  of  construction.  Hither- 
to, vanquished  nations  have  been  disarmed  by 
force.  Never  have  unconquered,  still  powerful 
nations  voluntarily  reduced  their  armaments  by 
agreements  in  conference. 

2.  The  value  of  the  method  of  conference  as 
a substitute  for  war  for  settling  international 
difficulties  has  been  given  striking  illustration. 
A wonderful  precedent  has  been  set.  The 
Washington  Conference  might  be  called  a Peace 
Conference  before  war  instead  of  after  war — 
as  the  custom  of  the  nations  has  been  hitherto. 

3.  An  unprecedentedly  wide  education  of  the 
nations  in  internationalism  and  for  permanent 

^ — 


peace  lias  taken  place,  an  education  of  incal- 
culable value. 

■I.  The  power  of  public  opinion  has  been  re- 
vealed in  a new  and  encouraging  way.  Mil- 
lions have  learned  how'  to  cooperate  in  shaping 
national  policy. 

5.  The  extreme  importance  of  maintaining 
right  relations  with  other  nations  has  been 
brought  home  to  our  nation  as  never  before, 
and  also  the  great  dangers  in  international  mis- 
understandings. 

6.  A new  attitude  toward  China  and  more 

correct  relations  with  her  have  been  initiated. 
Justice  and  opportunity  for  her  is  in  process 
now  of  achievement,  if  she  can  do  her  part. 
The  new  policy  provides  for  international  co- 
ll  — TL 

u — ir 


6 


operation  in  tlie  development  of  China  in  place 
of  separate  national  aggressions  and  destruc- 
tive rivalries. 

7,  The  rights  and  the  welfare  of  China  her- 
self now  begin  to  be  acknowledged  as  of  superior 
importance  to  the  economic  interests  of  foreign 
nations.  A new  attitude  of  the  popular  mind 
toward  Japan  and  her  problems  has  been  pro- 
duced. The  prophecies  of  war  so  general  less 
than  a year  ago  have  quietly  vanished — like 
the  poisonous  miasma  of  the  swamps  and  bogs 
before  the  rising  sun  and  a fresh  north  wind. 
What  a change  has  taken  place ! And  what  a 
relief  of  tension ! 

8.  A more  successful,  less  costly  and  more 
noble  method  of  “preparedness”  has  been  dis- 


covered by  many  noble  men  who  until  recently 
could  see  no  way  by  which  to  assure  national 
security  and  honor  other  than  by  vast  and 
costly  military  preparations. 

9.  International  public  opinion  has  been 
manifested  in  condemnation  of  military  pressure 
and  of  military  methods  as  legitimate  ways  by 
which  to  secure  special  national  interests. 

10.  Internal  good  faith  and  mutual  confi- 
dence haA^e  been  recognized  as  vital  factors  of 
permanent  world  peace. 

11.  The  principle  is  now  recognized  by  many 
nations  that  their  own  highest  welfare  can  be 
best  secured  through  cooperation  with  other 
nations  on  a peace  basis  rather  than  through 
o{)position  on  a war  basis. 


The  Real  Significance  of  the  Conference 

The  real  signifieaiice  of  the  Washington  Conference  lies  more  in  the  spint  and 
the  motives  of  the  nations  concerned  than  in  the  details  of  the  achievements  or  even 
in  the  by-products,  important  though  they  are.  They  would  have  been  impossible 
without  the  spirit  back  of  them. 

The  real  and  essential  Spirit  of  the  Conference  was  one  of  sincerity  and  of  con- 
fidence. This  spirit  was  manifested  by  the  most  powerful  nations  of  the  world,  in 
spite  of  occasional  discussions  in  which  questions  were  raised  and  a spirit  displayed 
that  indicated  more  or  less  of  doubt  and  uncertainty.  By  their  prolonged  and  pa- 
tient deliberations  they  proved  that  they  profoundly  desired  to  abandon  the  attitudes 
of  suspicion  and  fear  and  rivalry  that  haA^e  been  so  common  in  the  past  and  to  enter 
upon  relations  of  mutual  trust,  goodwill  and  cooperation. 

“This  Conference  has  been  to  a far  greater  extent  than  any  other  that  I can 
recall,  a Conference  of  renunciation.  We  have  seen  here  great  nations  abandon 
long  established  and  deeply  cherished  national  policies  and  renounce  advantages  once 
thought  essential  to  the  welfare  of  their  people;  and  this  is  not  for  value  received 
but  simply  out  of  a decent  respect  to  the  opinion  of  mankind.”  — Count  D’Alte, 
February  5,  1922. 

In  the  Avords  of  Secretary  Hughes  closing  the  plenary  session  of  February  first, 
“no  more  extraordinary  or  significant  treaty  has  ever  been  entered  into”  than  that 
agreed  to  by  the  nations  to  limit  and  to  scrap  their  capital  ships.  “We  no  longer 
talk  of  the  desirability  of  diminishing  the  burdens  of  naval  armaments  but  we  actu- 
ally limit  them.  , . . This  treaty  ends,  absolutely  ends,  competition  in  naval  arma- 
ments. . . . The  relative  security  of  the  great  naval  powers  is  left  unimpaired.  . . 


i 


^^^e  are  talking  of  arms  in  the  language  of  peace.  . . . We  are  taking  perhaps  tlie 
greatest  forward  step  to  establish  the  reign  of  peace.” 

The  spirit  and  the  motives  of  the  nations  are  clearly  the  most  important  factors 
in  tlie  ultimate  achievement  of  a Warless  World.  As  Secretary  Hughes  himself 
once  expressed  it  “the  will  to  peace”  on  the  part  of  peoples  is  the  most  necessary  of 
all  the  factors  for  securing  peace. 


A few  additional  items  deserve  separate  em- 
phasis. 

1.  Great  Britain  accepted  America  as  an 
ecjual  sea  power.  Tliis  is  an  event  of  extraor- 
dinary significance.  It  is  of  course  highly 
satisfactory'  to  the  United  States  as  an  ex- 
pression of  her  confidence  in  America’s  goodwill 
and  trustworthiness. 

2.  The  Conference  has  set  a new  standard 
of  international  procedure.  Never  before  has 
there  been  such  openness  in  international 
tlil)lomacy-  This  has  been  due  in  lai’ge  part, 
no  doubt,  to  the  peoples’  insistent  desires.  With 
one  voice  they  have  demanded  that  they  might 
know  what  their  representatives  were  saying 
and  promising. 

.3.  The  Conference  has  shown  that  the  danger 


of  war  in  the  Pacific  lies  in  the  rival  desires, 
ambitions  and  plans  of  the  nations  in  regard  to 
commercial  and  financial  interests.  War  in  the 
Pacific,  it  has  become  clear,  would  be  a war 
for  trade  and  investment  and  not  for  moral 
aims.  * 

d.  Questions  of  war  and  of  peace  are  now 
more  fully  recognized  as  matters  for  the  people 
to  determine.  This  means  they  must  know  the 
facts,  understand  the  issues,  and  appreciate  the 
])rinciples  involved  in  international  relations 
and  res})onsibilities.  Thev  need,  therefore,  to 
develop  an  intelligent  comprehension  of  the 
ways  and  the  machinery  of  peace  as  well  as  to 
have  the  “will  to  peace.” 

5.  The  Conference  has  been  a vast  school  for 
millions  in  many  nations  on  the  facts  and  the 
principles  of  international  life. 


What  the  Signatory  Nations  Gain  by  the  Conference 


1.  Curtailment  of  the  enormous  naval  ex- 
penses. The  reduction  of  taxes  for  the  United 
States  mav  not  be  as  much  as  many  have  an- 
ticipated because  so  large  a part  of  our  present 
Government  expenditures  are  due  to  interest 
and  pensions  growing  out  of  jnist  wars.  But 
substantial  reductions  should  now  take  place  in 
all  naval  budgets. 

2.  Increase  of  capital  available  for  produc- 
tive industries,  for  education,  for  health  promo- 
tion and  for  similar  constructive  interests. 

3.  A moratorium  on  war-talk  and  of  war- 
scare  propaganda.  Few  ordinary  citizens 
realize  how  seriously  they  have  been  influenced 


by  sinister  interests  in  their  efforts  to  boost  big 
appropriations. 

d.  In  crease  of  international  confidence  and 
goodwill  and  corresponding  reduction  of  inter- 
national suspicion,  fear  and  animosity.  Fear 
begets  fear — confidence  begets  confidence. 
Many  causes  of  misunderstanding  have  been 
removed. 

5.  Turning  of  thousands  of  3'oung  men  from 
unproductive  to  productive  lives.  The  real 
power  of  each  nation  has  been  increased  and  at 
the  same  time  “vested  interests”  making  for 
war  have  been  materially  diminished. 


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G.  Increased  national  security  and  at  a much 
less  cost.  There  is  no  danger  whatever  of  war 
l>etween  nations  that  trust  each  other.  The 
Canadian  border  (5,500  miles  long)  without 
a fort  or  a soldier  is  eloquent  testimony  to  the 
economy  and  security  based  on  mutual  con- 
fidence and  goodwill.  This  attitude  of  nations 
should  become  universal. 


7.  A new  mental  attitude  between  many 
powerful  nations.  Tlie  hope  is  already  rising 
that  before  the  ten-year  naval  holiday  has 
ended,  the  agencies  for  permanent  world  peace 
may  be  so  firmly  established  and  the  peace 
spirit  of  the  nations  may  be  so  strong  that  all 
navies  and  all  armies,  except  those  for  police 
])urposes,  may  be  completely  abolished,  and  a 
Warless  World  may  he  realized. 


What  Individual  Nations  Gain  by  the  Conference 


I.  The  United  States  and  Japan 

The  Confei'ence  has  already  largely  changed 
the  mutual  feelings  of  the  United  States  and 
Japan  to  the  great  advantage  of  both.  Foolish 
talk  and  wasteful  preparations  for  war  have 
already  stopped.  This  will  make  more  easy 
the  complete  settlement  of  still  remaining  issues 
and  difficulties. 

II.  The  United  States,  Great  Britain  and 

Japan 

In  place  of  the  Anglo- Japanese  Alliance 
which  was  becoming  a source  of  irritation  and 
cleavage  between  the  nations  having  interests  in 
the  Pacific,  the  new  four-power  treaty  will  be 
a source  of  confidence  and  of  friendship  between 
all  the  nations  concerned.  It  will  continue 
British  friendship  with  Japan,  promote  good- 
will between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  and  bind  together  in  a single  interest 
all  the  English-speaking  countries  of  the  world. 
The  full  significance  of  this  fact  cannot  yet  be 
estimated.  This  treaty  does  not  create  an 
“alliance”  of  four  great  Powers  for  selfish  or 
aggressive  purposes.  It  is  rather  a com- 
pact of  goodwill  and  of  determination  to  settle 
every  difficulty  between  themselves  and  between 
any  one  of  the  four  nations  and  any  fifth  power 
— by  conference  rather  than  by  competitive 
armaments  and  menace  of  war. 

III.  Russia  and  Germany 

Neither  country  was  represented  at  the  Con- 
ference. Both,  however,  were  there  in  spirit  as 
real  factors,  if  not  as  invited  guests.  Their 


rights  and  needs  were  not  specially  considered, 
but  thoughts  of  them  were  ever  in  the  back- 
ground. One  may  regret  that  the  Conference 
did  not  specifically  declare  its  purpose  to  pro- 
vide for  their  interests  as  well  as  for  those  of 
the  participating  nations. 

But  did  they  lose  anAdhing  at  the  Confer- 
ence.^ If  it  had  been  a conference  of  victors 
meeting  after  war  to  divide  up  all  the  loot  in 
sight  in  a spirit  of  selfish  greed,  Russia  and 
Germany  would  liaA^e  profited  little.  As  it  was, 
the  pledge  of  the  door  for  trade  and  investment 
in  China  equally"  Ojien  to  all,  means  equal  op- 
portunity for  them  as  well  as  for  the  rest. 
They  will  liave  the  same  access  and  the  same 
o})portunity  as  the  United  States  has,  if  tlie 
game  is  hei'eafter  yjlayed  on  tlie  square. 

And  in  fact  the  Powers  were  not  wholly  un- 
mindful of  Russian  interests  in  the  Eastern 
Chinese  Railway.  Pledges  Avere  given  by 
Japan  for  complete  witbdraAval  of  her  mili- 
tary forces  from  Siberia  as  soon  as  suitable 
guarantees  can  be  secured  for  the  protection 
of  Japanese  lives  and  property  in  that  territory. 
The  United  States  placed  on  the  record  its  atti- 
tude and  its  policy  in  regard  to  Siberia.  On 
the  whole  therefore  GermaiiA'  and  Russia  were 
gainers  rather  than  losers  by  the  Conference. 

IV.  China 

Already  China  has  gained  much — verv  much. 
She  has  had  opportunity,  well  used,  to  place 
her  case  before  the  world.  The  peoples  of  the 
different  countries  begin  to  see  how  the  Govern- 
ments of  Europe  and  of  Japan  have  been  deal- 


jT n ji 

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9 


ing  witli  China  for  many  decades.  China’s  own 
internal  chaos  also  and  the  reasons  for  it,  are 
better  realized.  A new  understanding  of  and 
a new  sympathy  for  the  Chinese  people  has 
arisen  in  America. 

Assuming  that  the  nations  concerned  now 
ratify  the  treaties  and  live  up  to  them  loyally, 
wliat  will  be  the  gain  to  China?  Much  in  every 
way. 

1.  Ciiina  is  on  a fair  way  to  recover  full 
possession  not  onl}^  of  Shantung,  but  also  of 
Wei-hai-wei,  and  Kwanchao-wan.  By  prompt 
popular  action  the  Shantung  railway  may  be 
completely  owned  by  China  in  five  years.  A 
splendid  opportunity  has  been  given  to  Chinese 
patriotism  for  dramatic  action. 

2.  Further  predatory  aggressions  of  foreign 
governments  will  stop  if  China  does  her  part 
and  the  covenanting  nations  do  their  duty. 

d.  China’s  actual  commitments  to  foreign 
nations  will  become  known  to  the  world  througli 
the  official  filing  and  publication  of  all  past 
commitments  and  treaties.  Secret  treaties  and 
commitments  will  be  no  longer  possible. 

t.  Chinese  patriots  have  secured  a Magna 
Charta  from  the  world’s  most  powerful  nations, 
upon  which  securely  to  build  their  national 
edifice  and  to  realize  their  aspirations  for 
justice,  liberty  and  integrity.  They  will  now 
have  opportunity  to  set  their  own  house  in 
order  by  establishing  a real,  national  Govern- 
ment, free  from  graft  and  competent  to  deal 
with  other  Governments. 

5.  As  rapidly  as  she  qualifies,  China  stands 
to  recover  full  political,  juridical,  financial, 
territorial  and  administrative  autonomy  and 
sovereignty  at  least  within  the  area  of  “China 
proper.” 

6.  China  vdll  be  freed  from  now  on  from  the 
fear  of  hateful  foreign  domination.  The  sword 
of  Damocles  that  has  been  hanging  over  her 
head  for  seven  vears — Group  V of  the  “21  de- 
mands”— has  been  officially  withdrawn  by 
Japan. 

7.  China  has  not  indeed  secured  immediate 
possession  and  recovery  of  all  that  her  ardent 
patriots  desired  and  demanded.  Many  prob- 


lems are  still  unsolved.  But  the  doors  of  oppor- 
tunity have  been  opened.  A splendid  vista  lies 
ahead  to  reward  patriotic  endeavor.  China’s 
future  is  bright  with  hopes  and  promise,  if 
China’s  patriots  will  make  it  so. 

V.  Japan 

Japan  also  is  a large  gainer  by  the  Wash- 
ington Conference. 

1.  Important  reductions  will  be  made  in  her 
annual  naval  budgets  and  her  corresponding 
taxes  for  many  years  to  come.  A smaller  navy, 
a reduced  staff  and  no  increase  in  her  island 
naval  bases,  mean  more  in  financial  ways  for 
Japan  than  do  the  same  items  mean  for 
America. 

2.  Cliilling  war-scare  stories  of  impending 
conflict  with  America  and  efforts  to  arouse  race 
antipathies  and  animosities  will  not  be  so  popu- 
lar or  easy  to  put  across  as  in  the  past,  while 
the  people  of  Japan  will  be  more  ready  to  un- 
derstand and  believe  other  peoples. 

3.  Militarism  will  find  it  more  difficult  to 
give  reasons  for  its  existence  and  its  demands. 
Liberalism  will  have  a much  better  opportunity 
to  grow  and  to  take  practical  control  of 
national  policies  and  of  international  relations. 

4.  Understanding  by  Americans  of  Japan’s 
problems  and  needs  is  developing — a matter  of 
much  importance  to  Japan.  It  is  bringing  a 
new  sympathy  for  Japan  and  her  people. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  policies  of  aggres- 
sion and  of  greed  adopted  by  her  leaders  in 
1915,  Japan  has  done  much  during  the  Con- 
ference to  convince  American  leaders  of  her 
good  faith  now. 

5.  A good  beginning  has  also  been  made  in 
establishing  right  relations  between  China  and 
Japan.  This  is  a matter  of  incalculable  signifi- 
cance, not  only  for  Japanese  trade  and  invest- 
ments, but  for  the  political  relations  of  the  two 
countries  during  all  the  decades  and  centuries 
ahead.  Friendly  relations  with  China  are  vital 
for  Japan.  Her  future  existence  depends  on 
it.  The  serious  blunders  and  wrongs  of  1914- 
1920  now  begin  to  be  rectified. 

n_ 

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10 


6.  Abrogation  of  the  Anglo- Japanese  Al- 
liance will  benefit  Japan  in  several  ways;  it  re- 
moves the  need  of  maintaining  military  forces 
suited  to  meet  the  obligations  it  involved.  Mili- 
tarists now  do  not  have  that  excuse  for  insisting 
on  a large  army.  It  removes  temptation  to 
conduct  and  to  policies  that  were  prompted  by 
the  alliance.  And  it  removes  a serious  cause  of 
irritation  and  suspicion  that  was  rapidly  de- 
veloping in  the  United  States. 


VI.  Other  Nations 

All  the  nations  are  safer.  They  can  more 
readily  adopt  policies  of  naval  and  military 
reduction  because  the  danger  of  a world-war 
in  the  Pacific  has  been  so  effectively  overcome. 
The  whole  world  can  plan  for  world  peace  now 
as  they  could  not  plan  a year  ago.  This  ad- 
vantage for  all  cannot  easily  be  estimated  or 
computed. 


The  Settlement  of  the  Shantung  Question 

The  settlement  of  the  Shantung  question  is  so  significant  an  achievement  that  it 
deserves  separate  discussion.  It  was  made  possible  by  the  Conference  altliough  it 
was  not  an  achievement  of  the  Conference.  A number  of  points  need  distinct  em- 


phasis. 

1.  The  settlement  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a 
defeat  or  a victory  for  either  side.  It  was 
better — a compromise  and  a reconciliation.  The 
Chinese  secured  that  which  they  most  wanted, 
while  the  Japanese  secured  what  to  them  was 
most  important.  Both  made  important  con- 
cessions. 

2.  The  settlement  was  accomplisihed  as  a re- 
sult of  many  (36)  prolonged  conferences  of  the 
Chinese  and  Japanese  delegates.  Both  groups 
are  to  be  congratulated  both  for  the  results  and 
also  for  their  patience  and  persistence.  It  was 
far  better  that  this  settlement  should  be 
reached  by  the  two  groups  b}'^  themselves  tlian 
by  the  Conference  as  a whole. 

3.  The  British  and  American  delegates  are 
also  to  be  congratulated  on  their  patient,  help- 
ful, private  cooperation. 

4.  Japan’s  agreement  to  return  Sliantung 
fulfills  the  verbal  promise  made  by  Japan  to  the 
Powers  at  the  Paris  Conference. 


5.  Failure  to  reach  a settlement  would  have 
meant  a serious  situation  for  Japan,  not  only 
in  the  inevitably  rising  tide  of  hostility  toward 
her  in  China,  but  also  in  the  deepening  anti- 
Japanese  feeling  that  would  without  doubt  liave 
developed  in  the  United  States. 

6.  Failure  to  reach  a settlement  would  have 
meant  a bitter  disappointment  and  a humiliat- 
ing defeat  for  China,  whose  main  desire  and 
objective  in  attending  the  Conference  was  to 
secure  the  complete  return  to  China  of  all  eco- 
nomic and  sovereign  rights  in  Shantung. 

7.  Failure  to  reach  a settlement  would  liave 
been  generally  regarded  as  a colossal  failure  of 
the  Conference  itself.  For  the  principal  aim  of 
the  Conference  was  to  remove  causes  of  war  in 
the  Far  East.  Of  these  the  Shantung  question 
was  generally  felt  to  be  the  chief.  Had  the 
Conference  closed  without  a settlement  having 
been  reached  in  this  matter,  public  opinion 
throughout  the  world  would  have  concluded 
that  the  chief  danger  of  war  had  not  been  solved 
— and  that  all  the  other  treaties  and  resolutions 
of  tlie  Conference  would  ultimately  prove  futile. 


What  the  Conference  Did  Not  Do 

The  Conference  did  not  solve  all  the  problems  in  the  Pacific  and  the  Far  East. 
Nor  did  it  aceomplish  much  for  the  more  immediately  pressing  problems  of  Europe. 
But  their  enumeration  is  not  necessary  in  this  pamphlet,  for  the  Conference  is  to  be 
judged  by  its  accomplishments,  not  by  the  tasks  which  remain. 


11 


'fhe  real  greatness  of  the  achievements  will  be  clearer  to  us  five  years  hence  or 
ten,  than  they  can  be  now.  But  even  now,  how  substantial  the  achievements  were 
can  in  a measure  be  realized  when  we  look  at  the  extraordinary  difficulties  that  had 
to  be  and  were  in  fact  so  largely  overcome. 


1.  Tlie  Conference  liad  to  battle  with  war 
psychology  and  the  war  spirit  of  the  nations. 
They  were  always  in  the  background  and  often- 
times clearly  in  evidence,  especially  in  the  dis- 
cussions of  ratios,  re})lacements,  naval  bases, 
and  new  weapons  of  war.  In  essence  and  in 
])rinciple  they  were  overcome. 

2.  ^Vhen  critics  point  out  how  this  nation  and 
that  failed  to  make  the  most  of  their  extraor- 
dinary opportunities  for  winning  each  other’s 
goodwill  and  confidence,  all  fair-minded  men 
will  not  fail  to  note  how  much  they  did  accom- 
plish— what  a great  access  of  goodwill  and  con- 
fidence lias  actually  been  achieved. 


3.  Those  who  declare  that  the  nations  would 
have  done  much  better  had  thej^  agreed  to  still 
larger  reductions  in  their  auxiliary'  ships, 
should  be  reminded  of  the  extraordinary  signi- 
ficance of  the  reductions  which  were  agreed  to. 
The  possibility  of  the  success  of  the  Conference 
lay  exactly  in  its  not  attempting  to  do  too 
much,  in  confining  itself  to  a definite  and  clear- 
ly practicable  proposal — as  Secretary  Huglies 
so  well  pointed  out  in  one  of  his  closing 
addresses. 

I.  The  greatness  of  the  results  achieved  now 
give  hope  and  thus  make  possible  in  the  not  far 
distant  future,  a serious  grappling  with  the  re- 
maining problems  and  tasks. 


Two  Alternatives  Before  the  American  People 

The  various  proposals  of  the  Conference  are  now  before  the  Senate  in  the  shaj)e 
of  seven  Treaties.  But  they  in  fact  are  now  before  the  people.  Two  alternatives 
are  before  us. 


L Shall  We  Reject  the  Proposed  Treaties? 

1.  Do  we  wish  to  base  our  national  security  entirely  ujjon  armaments? 

2.  Do  Ave  Avish  to  have  other  nations  believe  that  America  intends  to  have  undis- 
puted SAA'ay  in  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  oceans,  and  is  going  to  build  the  most 
])OAverful  naAy  in  the  AA'orld? 

fd.  13o  Ave  believe  that  our  trade  and  investment  in  the  Far  East  can  best  he  secured 
by  a policy  of  international  isolation,  Avith  reliance  on  a big  navy  and  im- 
pregnable naA'al  bases  for  the  acliievement  of  our  2Jolicies  and  the  maintenance 
of  our  “Autal  interests”? 

If  so,  then  Ave  should  let  our  Senators  knoAV. 


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12 


2.  Shall  We  Accept  the  Proposed  Treaties? 


1.  Do  we  wish  to  cooperate  with  other  nations  in  maintaining  our  common  security 
and  our  common  “vital  interests”? 

2.  Shall  we  seek  hy  mutual  understanding  and  through  common  agreements  with- 
out talk  or  thought  of  war  to  adjust  all  difficulties  in  friendly  conterences? 

3.  Do  we  wish  other  nations  really  to  believe  that  we  have  no  plans  or  policies  or 
desires  for  selfish  aggrandizement  or  for  any  action  that  may  he  harmful  to  their 
interests? 

If  so,  then  we  should  let  our  Senators  know,  and  ask  them  to  ratify  the  pro- 
posed treaties. 

The  Interest  of  the  Churches  in  the  Ratification  of 

the  Treaties 

The  Church  has  no  more  “vital  interest”  than  her  “war  against  war”  and  the 
establishment  of  a Warless  World.  Her  very  life  is  involved  in  the  achievement 
of  this  ideal.  IVar  under  modern  conditions  threatens  every  higher  interest  of  the 
iiuinan  race. 

“If  Ave  do  not  destroy  Avar,  War  aaoII  destroy  us,”  said  the  late  Viscount  Bryce. 
And  it  was  our  OAvn  General  Tasker  H.  Bliss  Avho  laid  upon  Christians  in  the  United 
States  the  responsibility  of  putting  an  end  to  war. 


American  Christians  have  not  been  alto- 
gctlier  indifferent  to  the  evil  of  ^var,  as  has 
sometimes  been  cliarged  against  them.  In  Imn- 
dreds  of  resolutions  and  declarations  for  manA' 
A^ears  their  national  and  local  bodies  have  pro- 
claimed their  judgment  that  wars  should  cease, 
that  international  courts  of  justice  and  boards 
of  arbitration  should  be  established,  and  that 
all  international  disputes  should  be  settled  by 
reason  and  laAV,  and  not  by  war.  Their  resolu- 
tions and  utterances  and  sermons  of  the  last 
two  decades  would  fill  many  Amlumes. 

The  zeal  of  churches  and  of  Christians  in 
suppoi'ting  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  in  its  recent  Avar  against  German a^  Avas 
due  to  the  conviction  that  this  Avas  the  ‘Svar  to 
end  Avar” ; that  out  of  this  war  Avould  come  a 
firm  movement  of  all  the  great  nations  to  estab- 
lish the  essential  institutions  of  international 
justice  Avhich  AA'ould  provide  security  and  fair 


economic  opportunity  for  all  the  nations  alike, 
great  and  small,  strong  and  Aveak.  The  failure 
since  the  armistice  to  establish  these  institutions 
has  been  the  cause  of  profound  disappointment 
and  anxiety  to  millions  of  Christians  avIio  see 
in  them  the  beginning  of  the  embodiment  in  in- 
ternational life  of  the  ideals  and  ])rinclples  of 
the  Kingdom  of  God  and  the  fulfillment  of  age- 
old  prophecies. 

The  Churches  have  united  on  many  occasions 
to  express  their  couAuctions  and  their  hopes  for 
a world  -order  that  is  Christian  in  principle.  In 
tlie  spring  of  1921  tliey  joined  in  a remarkable 
moA'cment  for  a World  Conference  on  Disarma- 
ment. “Disarmament  Sunday,”  June  5.  1921, 
Avas  jointly  appointed  by  the  Federal  Council 
of  the  Churches,  tlie  National  Catholic  Welfare 
Council  and  the  tAVo  JeAvish  National  Groups. 
Tlie  call  Avas  sent  by  the  Church  Peace  Union 
to  120,000  ministers  of  all  denominations.  Tens 


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of  thousands  of  ])ulpits  on  that  day  turned  the 
attention  of  the  peo^ile  to  the  dangers  of  com- 
petitive armaments,  to  the  staggering  economic 
burdens  of  past  and  prospective  wars,  to  the 
menace  of  war  to  the  w'hole  world  and  to  the 
principles  and  ideals  of  Christianity  as  the  only 
practicable  solution  for  the  curse  and  the  wrong 
of  war. 

A petition  signed  by  22,500  ministers  was 
]>resented  to  President  Harding  on  June  21, 
1921,  calling  for  a “Conference  on  Disarma- 
ment.” From  the  time  that  President  Harding 
first  announced  in  July  his  invitation  to  five 
nations,  until  the  end  of  the  Washington  Con- 
ference, the  churches  of  America  have  main- 
tained a vigorous  campaign  for  the  creation 
of  a wholesome  atmosphere  for  the  success  of 
the  Conference.  Tens  of  thousands  of  special 
meetings  were  held  during  October  and  on 
November  6th  and  November  11th.  A mighty 
volume  of  prayer  has  ascended  continuously 
from  every  part  of  our  land  for  God’s  guidance 
and  blessing  for  the  Conference.  Special  study 
courses  were  prepared  by  the  Federal  Council 
of  Churches.  Millions  of  pages  of  printed  ma- 
terial were  issued — all  dealing  with  the  various 
aspects  of  the  insistent  demands  of  the  church 
for  a Warless  World,  for  the  beating  of  swords 
into  plowshares  and  for  ceasing  to  learn  war 
any  more. 

The  Conference  for  Avhich  the  churches 
prayed  has  now  done  its  work  and  reported  its 
proposals  in  seven  important  treaties. 


A new  task  now  faces  the  churches  if  they  are 
to  carry  their  program  to  fruition.  The 
treaties  must  be  ratified.  If  the  Conference  is 
to  have  any  real  meaning  and  to  accomplish  any 
real  results  the  treaties  must  be  ratified. 

In  a peculiar  sense  and  to  a peculiar  degree 
the  ci’eation  of  public  opinion  in  support  of 
ratification  is  the  task  and  also  the  opportunity 
of  the  churches.  Failure  at  this  point  would  be 
a terrible  disaster.  It  would  have  been  better 
to  have  had  no  Conference  at  all.  Failure 
means  that  the  race  in  competitive  armaments 
will  start  up  afresh.  It  will  go  on  with  re- 
doubled vigor — at  least  between  America  and 
Japan.  War  in  the  Pacific  in  the  near  future 
will  be  practically  certain. 

The  next  step,  therefore,  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Kingdom  of  God  among  men  is 
the  ratification  of  the  treaties  by  which  to 
“stop  the  next  war  now.” 

All  churches  zmd  all  Christians  have  un- 
escapable  responsibility  in  this  matter. 

When  nations  learn  of  His  ways  and  walk 
in  His  paths  they  will  begin  to  “beat  their 
swords  into  plowshares  and  their  spears  into 
pruning  hooks.” 

Will  your  church — will  you — have  a part  in 
winning  our  first  great  victory  in  the  war  to 
end  War? 


After  Ratification  — What  ? 


Ratification  will  not  by  itself  alone  outlaw  war  nor  inaugurate  the  era  of  perma- 
nent World  Peace.  It  is  only  the  next  step  in  that  direction,  the  beginning  of  the 
campaign  for  a Warless  World. 

I 

I’ermanent  World  Peace  can  he  aehieved  only  by  the  peoples  of  all  the  world, 
through  universal  eonferences  and  by  common  agreements  in  Avhich  all  the  chief 
nations  participate. 

Problems,  for  instance,  like  aeroplanes,  nomic  interests  and  rights  involve  every  people, 
poison  gas,  disease  germs  and  land  armaments  These  problems  can  be  solved  only  by  general 
involve  fifty  nations.  Questions  of  general  eco-  conferences  and  by  joint  treaties  between  fifty 


Jl. 

IT 

U 


nations.  If  even  one  powerful,  industrialized 
nation  remains  outside  the  general  conferences 
and  agreements  and  will  have  nothing  to  do 
with  them,  insisting  on  having  its  own  unlimited 
and  arbitrary  wa}',  the  whole  international 
situation  is  endangered  not  only  for  all  the 
others,  but  also  for  itself. 

The  cooperation  of  all  is  essential.  Every 
principal  nation  must  be  made  to  feel  and  to 
feel  confidently  that  it  shares  in  tlie  formulation 
of  the  common  agreements,  that  its  vital  inter- 
ests and  its  honor  will  be  secure,  and  that  it  will 
have  just  treatment  and  fair  economic  oppor- 
tunity at  the  hands  of  all  its  sister  nations. 

Hitherto  war  has  been  the  only  means  by 
which  nations  could  settle  definitely  their  in- 
ternational disputes.  Their  sense  of  security 
has  been  based  on  their  military  power.  The 
defeated  had  to  accept  the  verdict  and  the  will 
of  the  victor.  If  now  we  seek  to  establish  a 
warless  world  we  must  create  some  substitute 
for  war — a substitute  that  will  settle  disputes 
and  that  will  give  the  sense  of  security  for  which 
nations  have  developed  their  armaments.  These 
considerations  point  the  way  to  the  program 
that  lies  ahead  of  those  who  believe  in  a Warless 
World. 

What  the  United  States  now  needs  to  do  in 
our  international  relations  is,  in  the  words  of 
the  Declaration  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America  adopted  Decem- 
ber 16,  1921,  “to  associate  itself  promptly  with 
the  other  nations  of  the  world,  to  establish 


permanent  institutions  for  the  formulation  of 
international  law,  for  the  effective  operation  of 
the  International  Court  of  Justice  and  boards 
of  arbitration  and  conciliation,  for  the  assur- 
ance to  law-abiding  amd  peace-loving  nations 
of  security  from  attack  and  spoliation  by  any 
lawless  auid  aggressive  nation,  and  for  the  pro- 
vision of  fair  treatment  and  equal  economic 
opportunity  to  all.” 

“We  believe  there  is  only  one  way  to  out- 
law war.  We  must  first  establish  a peace  sys- 
tem. Mere  disarmament  by  itself  alone  will 
not  stop  war.  Only  the  firm  establishment  of 
the  institutions  and  agencies  of  justice  zuid  of 
liberty  under  law,  maintained  by  effective 
sanctions  at  the  hands  of  law-abiding  and 
peace-loving  nations,  can  possibly  banish  war 
from  this  war-cursed  world.  The  most  urgent 
need  of  mankind  today  is  the  speedy  establish- 
ment of  international  institutions  to  assure 
equal  justice,  full  security  zmd  faur  economic 
opportunity  for  all  nations  alike.  These  are 
essential  prerequisites  to  permanent  peace.” 

What  remains,  therefore,  to  be  done  by  for- 
ward-looking citizens  of  the  United  States,  after 
the  treaties  have  been  ratified,  is  to  arouse  a 
powerful  public  opinion  in  this  land,  by  the 
active  support  of  which  the  Administration  will 
venture  to  take  the  steps  needed  for  associating 
itself  with  the  other  nations  of  the  world  for 
creatinsr  and  maintaininfj  the  institutions  of 
peace. 


R 

If 


2 


=5 


15 


ft: 


International  Ideals 
of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


]Ve  Beh  eve  that  nations  no  less  than  individuals  are  sub- 
ject to  God's  immutable  moral  laws. 

II. 

We  Beh  eve  that  nations  achieve  true  welfare,  greatness 
and  honor  only  through  just  dealing  and  unselfish 
service. 

III. 

We  Beh  eve  that  nations  that  regard  themselves  as  Chris- 
tians have  special  international  obligations. 

IV. 

We  Beh  eve  that  the  spirit  of  Christian  brotherlmess  can 
lj|l  remove  every  unjust  barrier  of  trade,  color,  creed  and 

race. 

V. 

We  Beh  eve  that  Christian  patriotism  demands  the  prac- 
tice of  good-will  between  nations. 

VI. 

We  Believe  that  international  policies  should  secure  equal 
justice  for  all  races. 

VII. 

We  Beh  eve  that  all  nations  should  associate  themselves 
permanently  for  world  peace  and  good-will. 

VIII. 

We  Beh  eve  in  international  law,  and  in  the  universal  use 
of  international  courts  of  justice  and  boards  of  arbi- 
tration. 

IX. 

We  Believe  in  a sweeping  reduction  of  armaments  by  all 
nations. 

X. 

We  Beh  eve  in  a warless  world,  and  dedicate  ourselves  to 
Its  achievement. 


ft 


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